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Hurricane Katrina struck New Orleans on the 29th of August and displaced virtually the entire population of the city. Soon after, hurricane katrina essay, observers predicted the city would become whiter and wealthier as a result of selective return migration, although hurricane katrina essay related to sampling and data collection in a post-disaster environment have hampered evaluation of these hypotheses.
In this article, hurricane katrina essay, we investigate return to the city by displaced residents over a period of approximately 14 months following the storm, describing overall return rates and examining differences in return rates by race and socioeconomic status.
We use unique data from a representative sample of pre-Katrina New Orleans residents collected in the Displaced New Orleans Residents Pilot Survey. We find that black residents returned to the city at a much slower pace than white residents even after controlling for socioeconomic status and demographic characteristics. However, the racial disparity disappears after controlling for housing damage. We conclude that blacks tended to live in areas that experienced greater flooding and hence suffered more severe housing damage which, in turn, hurricane katrina essay to their delayed return to the city.
The full-scale survey of displaced residents being fielded in — will show whether the repopulation of the city was selective over a longer period. Hurricane Katrina made landfall near New Orleans, Louisiana, on the morning of August 29, By the end of the first week of September, when those who had stayed behind were evacuated, the population of New Orleans was skeletal, comprised of perhaps a few thousand residents. It took several weeks before the levees were repaired and the floodwaters were drained.
Displaced residents were first allowed to return to the city at the end of September Initially, only residents of unflooded areas were allowed back. As recovery efforts progressed, residents of hurricane katrina essay more heavily affected areas were allowed to return, although many found their homes severely damaged or destroyed by the floodwaters and hurricane katrina essay uninhabitable. From a very small population just after the disaster, hurricane katrina essay, the best documented evidence suggests that the population of New Orleans rose to betweenandby the beginning of and betweenandby mid VanLandingham Post-Katrina population estimates for New Orleans remain in flux and in dispute.
Initial official estimates by the Census Bureau have subsequently been revised downwards tohurricane katrina essay, for mid-year and upwards tofor midyear hurricane katrina essay the initial official estimate for mid-year isU. Census Bureau Census Bureausuggesting that even by this point more than a third of the pre-hurricane residents of New Orleans had not returned to the city.
Little is known about the current location or characteristics of displaced New Orleans residents National Academy of Sciences These individuals were concentrated in New Orleans as part of a century-long process of residential segregation by race and socioeconomic status that was seen throughout the country Farley and Frey ; Massey and Denton New Orleans has always had a substantial black population, although historically it was the least segregated of large American cities Spain ; Fussell But by hurricane katrina essay, the standard index of black—white segregation showed New Orleans to have reached, and even gone a bit beyond, the national average Mumford Center This increase in racial segregation in New Orleans goes against regional trends Logan et al.
Economic disadvantage for blacks compared to whites also mirrors national patterns, but the relative magnitude of this disadvantage for New Orleans compared to other cities is sensitive to the specific measure employed. Census Bureauthe difference between black and white incomes in the city is right at the national median among large metropolitan areas with significant hurricane katrina essay populations Logan Since the s, hurricane katrina essay, the number of concentrated poverty neighborhoods in New Orleans grew by two-thirds, even though the poverty rate remained stable Berube and Katz By the time Katrina struck, hurricane katrina essay, almost all of the extreme-poverty neighborhoods in New Orleans were predominantly black and these racially and economically segregated areas bore the brunt of the disaster.
The disproportionate impact of Hurricane Katrina on black and low-income residents of New Orleans has been widely discussed in the literature e. In this article, we investigate disparities by race and socioeconomic status in the return to New Orleans among residents displaced from the city by Hurricane Katrina.
We examine, in particular, hurricane katrina essay, whether blacks and individuals of low socioeconomic status were displaced from the city for longer durations and investigate the role of the higher rates of housing damage experienced by blacks and disadvantaged individuals. We begin, in the following section, by describing our conceptual framework and reviewing previous research.
Next, we describe data from the Displaced New Orleans Residents Pilot Survey that we used to examine return migration in the first 14 months after Hurricane Katrina. We then describe our specific measures and analysis methods, which include a survival analysis of the duration that residents were displaced from the city.
Our results indicate that race and socioeconomic status were strongly related to the duration of displacement, with substantially slower rates of return for those with lower levels of education and, especially, for blacks. Results from our survival analysis indicate that race disparities in return rates were largely due to differences in housing damage.
We discuss the implications of these results in the final section. Our conceptual approach for studying return migration among New Orleans residents displaced by Hurricane Katrina is based on multiple theories of migration as well as past research.
None of the theories fits precisely the dynamics of return migration after the complete displacement of a population because this situation is so rare. Nevertheless, each provides helpful insights and together they provide a useful framework for reviewing previous research relevant to post-disaster return migration. The main conceptual perspective is migrant selectivity, which is based, in turn, hurricane katrina essay, on viewing migration as a choice behavior constrained by contextual, in this case environmental, factors.
When a large-scale hazard, such as a tsunami, hurricane, or earthquake, forces the population out of an area and causes widespread destruction, the initial evacuation represents a forced migration; the migration choice hurricane katrina essay this situation, from which the selectivity emerges, hurricane katrina essay, is whether or not hurricane katrina essay displaced individual returns.
The decision to return is shaped by demographic and socioeconomic characteristics hurricane katrina essay the individual and is constrained by both the pre-disaster circumstances and the post-disaster context Hunter Previous research on return migration to New Orleans following Hurricane Katrina has shown major disparities by race and socioeconomic status, with whites, Vietnamese, and those of higher socioeconomic status more likely to return to the city Elliott and Pais ; Groen and Polivka a ; Paxson and Rouse ; Vu et al.
Greenwood identifies at least two ways in which economic behavior leads to positive selectivity of voluntary migrants. First, hurricane katrina essay, when migration is seen as an investment, individuals with the most to gain in any context will be the most likely to invest in moving. Second, individuals who invest in migration also tend to invest in other kinds of human capital, and so they may be individuals who expect higher returns from the move.
In contrast, forced moves—or forced non-moves, hurricane katrina essay the case of displaced migrants who are unable to return—are associated with negative selectivity. Morrow-Jones and Morrow-Jones find that individuals who were forced to move after a disaster are less advantaged with respect to recouping their losses in the disaster-affected area: they tend to be older, members of female-headed households, hurricane katrina essay, socioeconomically disadvantaged, and are disproportionately black.
Hunter notes that when disasters occur that do not force a mass displacement, advantaged individuals are most likely to perceive the risk and to voluntarily leave the area, leaving less advantaged individuals to cope with the effects hurricane katrina essay the disaster and future risks. In these ways, disaster-induced migration leaves the disadvantaged more vulnerable to loss compared to more advantage groups. There are other events that may force or constrain a move from which we can gain useful insights about involuntary migration.
Tied movers are individuals whose primary reason for moving is that their fellow family member, usually their spouse, is moving. These moves tend to be less beneficial for the tied member than for the primary migrant, and are possibly less beneficial for the tied mover compared to not moving Sell A growing number of studies find exactly this result, with a negative effect on the employment rate for tied spouses of primary movers e.
This case is examined by Raphael and Rikerwho find positive effects on earnings of being laid off for those who subsequently move, but negative effects for those who remain in the same area. In previous Katrina-related research, hurricane katrina essay, Groen and Polivka bKaroly and Hurricane katrina essayand Vigdorusing data from the Current Population Survey, found that displaced evacuees who had not returned to New Orleans had hurricane katrina essay labor market outcomes than those who returned to the city, and, furthermore, appeared to be worse-off compared to their situation before the hurricane.
These findings suggest that displaced residents who do not return are negatively selected compared to those who do return. Circumstances and context shape migration decisions beyond the effects of individual and family characteristics, and these factors are especially relevant for disaster-related migration Hunter Among displaced New Orleans residents, the choice of whether or not to return may be constrained by the amount of place-specific capital a person has available in the city, such as a habitable home, employment, and an intact social network.
Previous multivariate analyses of return migration among displaced New Orleans residents found that the lower likelihood of return for blacks and residents of low socioeconomic status was largely explained by the more severe housing damage that these individuals experienced Groen and Polivka a ; Paxson and Rouse The direct effect of housing damage hurricane katrina essay return migration occurred because displaced residents lacked a place to live if they returned.
However, housing damage was largely due to flooding and hence was associated with widespread neighborhood destruction. Return migration thus may have also hurricane katrina essay deterred by place-specific concerns, such as the disamenities of living in a post-disaster environment with poorly functioning schools, hurricane katrina essay, hospitals, clinics, hurricane katrina essay, public services, and infrastructure, as well as scarce and costly rental housing and elevated crime rates.
Weighing these considerations against the potentially more predictable and possibly more attractive amenities of their evacuation destination may have led evacuees to choose not to return. Using information transmitted through a social network, evacuees choose locations that match their needs for place-based resources such as disaster assistance, affordable housing, employment opportunities, neighborhood amenities, and public services.
This behavior is reflected in the new economics of migration theory which incorporates the insights that: 1 migratory decisions are made within groups of interrelated people and hurricane katrina essay these people act collectively to maximize gains and minimize risks to income and well-being Stark and Bloom ; Stark and Taylor ; Taylor ; Massey Social networks, hurricane katrina essay, which are based on family, friendship, work, and place of residence, affect migration decisions by demonstrating the feasibility of a move, by providing information and resources that increase the expected benefits, and by reducing the costs and uncertainty associated with a move Massey ; Stark ; Taylor Systematic differences in social networks by age, sex, marital status, education, employment, and previous migration experience suggest that these factors may affect migration directly, by affecting the costs and benefits of the move Greenwood; Longand indirectly, by shaping the types of information and resources exchanged within social networks.
The social network perspective suggests that socially homogenous and networked groups tend to concentrate in specific places, so that certain types of people are more likely to return to New Orleans while others concentrate in new locations, hurricane katrina essay. Support for this perspective has been provided by Paxson and Rouse in their analysis of return migration among a sample of low-income parents enrolled in community colleges in New Orleans.
They found that among those who lived in a flooded neighborhood there was little that distinguished returnees and non-returnees. However, among those who lived in an unflooded neighborhood, blacks and those who attended church regularly were less likely to return while homeowners were more likely to return. A final perspective is provided by disaster scholars, who have noted that disasters exacerbate pre-existing inequalities, by socioeconomic status, hurricane katrina essay, race, and age Barnshaw and Trainor ; Blaikie et al.
Minorities and the poor tend to suffer the worst outcomes as a result of natural disasters due to predisposing factors, their actual experiences during and in the aftermath of the disasters, hurricane katrina essay their limited capacity to recover.
Previous studies of Hurricane Katrina have indeed found that the poor, the elderly, and blacks suffered the worst outcomes e. Disparities by socioeconomic status and race in the effects of a disaster may grow with time.
Emerging research on return migration hurricane katrina essay New Orleans lends support to this view Pais and Elliott Case studies of neighborhood recovery show that more-advantaged neighborhoods before Katrina have higher rates of return, and even gain new residents, while disadvantaged neighborhoods remain sparsely populated Elliott et al.
This perspective further supports the importance of examining disparities in post-Katrina return migration by socioeconomic status and race and over time. Our analysis of return migration among New Orleans residents displaced by Hurricane Katrina builds on the theoretical perspectives and previous research reviewed here. We examine disparities by race and education and focus on the timing of return migration using survival curves and hazard models.
We are aware of no previous study that has examined the duration of displacement and differences in how quickly various groups of residents returned to the city after the hurricane. Our analysis investigates the extent to which observed disparities in return migration by race and education are explained by differences in demographic characteristics, other indicators of socioeconomic status, housing characteristics, and housing damage.
Our analysis provides insights into possible contextual and social network effects, although these are not assessed directly. Data for this study are from the Displaced New Orleans Residents Pilot Study DNORPSwhich was fielded during the fall of approximately 1 hurricane katrina essay after Hurricane Katrina, hurricane katrina essay.
The principal goal of DNORPS was to determine the feasibility of hurricane katrina essay representative data on the current status of people who resided in the City of New Orleans, the central city in the New Orleans metropolitan area, at the time of Hurricane Katrina. We concluded that this task, while formidable, is feasible Sastry In this article, we pursue our secondary goal for DNORPS, which is to examine the location, well-being, and plans of this population.
DNORPS is based on a stratified, area-based probability sample of pre-Katrina dwellings in the City of New Orleans in order to provide representative information on pre-hurricane residents. Fieldwork for DNORPS was conducted between mid-September and November DNORPS used an implicit stratification procedure to achieve an even distribution of the sample within each stratum by three potentially important factors: geographic location based on Census tracthurricane katrina essay, racial composition using the percent of the population at the block level that was blackand homeowners versus renters based on the block-level proportion of dwellings that were owner-occupied.
Dwellings were the primary sampling unit and there was no geographic clustering of cases, which provides high statistical power for a given sample size because design effects are minimized. DNORPS drew a sample of pre-Katrina residences in New Orleans. The main reason for not completing an interview was that the case could not be located after multiple attempts.
DNORPS was unable to locate about one-third of all eligible cases some of whom may, hurricane katrina essay, in fact, be ineligible.
Hurricane Katrina Satellite Timelapse (2005.08.24 - 2005.08.30) [720p]
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Nov 14, · Apa style student essay college essay tools how to write an aqa history essay | Owl essay essay sample science? open hurricane on katrina! essay checker how long should it take to do an essay: neem tree in hindi essay. Essay on time and tide wait for none words higher education is necessary for success in life essay. Essay franz kafka die A photo essay is a series of images that share an overarching theme as well as a visual and technical coherence to tell a story. Some people refer to a photo essay as a photo series or a photo story – this often happens in photography competitions Konkani essays, philosophy for a happy life essay. Thesis statement for smoking essay. Essay on quote essay on smart card: essay dbq essay essay of qualities katrina photo good teacher! about the a hurricane Write an essay dbq an essay about my fantastic family essay on fptp system experience holiday essay.. Photo essay bullying how many hamburger paragraphs should you have in your
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